Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14]


The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations.


Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20]


Background

See also: Mongol conquest of China

The conquest of Yunnan


Dali and Dai Viet in 1142


Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty

By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22]


When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23]


In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26]


As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26]


Mongol approach to Đại Việt

At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27]


The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4]


First invasion of Đại Việt (1258)


First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Mongol forces

In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4]


Campaign

See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên


Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll


13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum

In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33]


Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30]


One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39]


The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39]


Invasion of Champa (1283)


Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below.


Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn)

vte

Champa Wars

Background and diplomacy

With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45]


A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay

Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10]


As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51]


The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50]


Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285)


King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293

Interlude (1260–1284)


Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above.

In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54]


In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38]


In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66]


War


Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions


Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285)

Mongol advance (January – May 1285)


Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd

The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18  February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11]


Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g]


Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68]


Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285)


Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties.


Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare.

In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68]


Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76]


Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288)


Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288)

Background and preparations

In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81]


In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288)


Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam


Bạch Đằng River

The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77]


In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79]


Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84]


At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g]


Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86]


Aftermath

Yuan dynasty

The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2]


Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91]


Đại Việt

Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87]


In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19]


Champa

The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century.


Transmission of gunpowder

Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97]


Legacy

Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99]


Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]






























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입자물리학(粒子物理學, particle physics)은 보통 물질과 방사선 등 자연의 기본 입자를 연구하는 물리학의 분야 중 하나이다. 현재의 해석으로는 입자는 양자장을 가지고 있으며 역학에 따라 상호작용한다는 것이다. 비록 입자라는 단어가 많은 물체를 뜻하지만(양성자, 기체 입자, 심지어는 가정의 먼지 등), 입자물리학이라는 용어는 보통 우주의 기본 입자 물체를 연구하는 것을 의미한다. 이는 입자 관찰을 설명하고 정의하기 위해 필요하며, 다른 중요 분야와의 조합으로는 설명할 수 없는 분야이다. 기본 장과 역학의 현재 설정은 표준 모형이라는 이론으로 요약되어 있으며, 입자물리학은 크게 표준 모형을 구성하고 있는 입자 연구와 가능한 확장 연구로 나뉜다. 원자의 구성 입자 물리학의 표준 모형 구성 입자. 현대 입자물리학 연구는 전자, 양성자, 중성자(양성자와 중성자는 중입자로 불리며 쿼크로 이루어져 있음)같은 아원자 입자 연구와, 광자, 중성미자, 뮤온 뿐만이 아닌 넓은 범위의 이질적 입자의 방사성 감쇠와 산란 연구 등 두 가지에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 구체적으로, 입자라는 용어는 입자물리학이 양자역학의 지배를 받기 때문에 고전역학에서는 잘못된 용어이다. 따라서, 특정한 상황에서 파동이 입자같은 성질을 띌 때와 같은 파동-입자 이중성 현상을 설명할 수 없다. 보다 기술적 측면에서, 힐베르트 공간의 양자 상태벡터로 설명하며, 이 공간은 양자장론에서 처리하고 있다. 입자물리학의 규칙에 따라, "기초 입자"는 전자나 광자같은 잘 알려진 유형의 입자뿐 아니라 파동 속성을 가지고 있는 입자도 포함되어 있다. 모든 입자와, 그 입자와 상호작용하는 입자는 양자장론에 따라 기술되며 표준 모형 내에 있다.[1] 표준 모형에는 총 61개의 기본 입자가 있다.[2] 이 기본 입자들은 합쳐져서 상위의 입자가 될 수 있으며, 1960년대 이후에 이런 상위 입자들 수백개가 발견되었다. 표준 모형은 현재까지 거의 모든 실험에서 맞는 것으로 판단하고 있다. 그러나, 대부분의 입자들은 자연적으로는 불완전히 설명되며, 모든 것의 이론 같은 더욱 근본적인 이론 개발을 기다리고 있다. 최근 몇 년 동안, 중성미자의 질량 측정 결과 표준 모형과 실험적인 오차가 있는 것이 확인되었다. 역사 현대 물리학 i ℏ ∂ ∂ t Ψ ( r , t ) = H ^ Ψ ( r , t ) {\displaystyle {i\hbar {\frac {\partial }{\partial t}}\Psi (\mathbf {r} ,\,t)={\hat {H}}\Psi (\mathbf {r} ,\,t)}} 슈뢰딩거 방정식 창시자 분야들 과학자들 vte 역사적으로 볼 때 탈레스의 질문에서 나온 생각, 즉 모든 것은 물이다라는 명제가 구체적인 형태-"모든 물질은 불로되어 있다"는 철학자 헤라클레이스토스의 주장에서 근본한 것이라 추정되기도 하여 과학보다는 철학에 가까웠던 시절이다.-의 과학의 시작이라고 볼 수도 있지만 근대적인 의미에서의 과학은 갈릴레오 갈릴레이의 이론에서부터 시작했다고 할 수 있다. 모든 물질에 대한 생각은 적어도 기원전 6세기부터 기본 입자로 구성되어 있다는 생각이 나왔다.[3] 원자론에 대한 철학적 교리와 소립자의 본성은 레우키포스, 데모크리토스, 에피쿠로스 등 고대 그리스 철학자들이 연구하기 시작했다. 카나다, 디그나가, 다르마키르티 등의 고대 인도 철학자, 이븐 알하이삼, 이븐 시나, 가잘리 등의 무슬림 과학자들, 가상디, 보일, 뉴턴 등의 근대 초기 유럽의 과학자 들도 연구했다. 빛의 입자설은 이븐 시나, 이븐 알하이삼, 뉴턴, 가상디 등이 지지했다. 이런 초기 아이디어들은 실험이나 경험적 증거보다는 추상, 철학에 가까웠다. 19세기 돌턴은 자신의 이론인 화학양론을 이용하여 자연의 요소 각각이 고유한 한 종류의 입자로 구성되어 있다는 결론을 내렸다. 돌턴과 그의 동시대인들은 자연은 기본 입자로 구성되어 있다고 믿었고 이 이름을 그리스어로 "나눌 수 없는"을 의미하는 'atomos'를 딴 'atoms'이라는 이름을 붙였다.[4] 그러나, 이 세기 후반에 물리학자들은 사실 원자가 가장 작은 기본 입자가 아니며 더 작은 입자가 있다는 것을 발견했다. 20세기 초 핵물리학 및 양자역학의 절정에 달할 때 1939년 마이트너가 한의 실험에 기반을 두어 핵분열을 증명하고, 같은 해 베테가 핵융합을 증명했다. 이 발견은 다른 원자로부터 한 원자를 만들어내는 산업을 활성화시켰고, 수익성은 없지만 크라에소포에아도 가능하다. 또한, 이같은 발견으로 핵무기 개발을 주도했다. 1950년대부터 60년대까지 충돌 실험으로 다양한 입자들이 발견되었다. 이것으로 인해 입자 동물원이라는 용어가 붙었다. 이 용어는 1970년대 많은 수의 입자가 상대적으로 적은 기본 입자로 설명할 수 있는 표준 모형이 발견되면서 사용하지 않게 되었다. 기본 입자 종류 세대 반입자 색 전체 쿼크 2 3 같음 3 36 렙톤 2 3 같음 0 12 글루온 1 1 자신 8 8 W 보손 1 1 같음 0 2 Z 보손 1 1 자신 0 1 광자 1 1 자신 0 1 힉스 보손 1 1 자신 0 1 총 합 61 통일장 이론을 향하여 입자 물리학 뿐 아니라 모든 물리 법칙은 복잡한 사실을 단순한 설명으로 묶는 작업이었다. 이런 맥락에서 물리학은 통일 이론의 추구라고 할 수 있다. 뉴턴 역학은 천체 물리학과 지표면의 낙하 운동의 통일 이론이고, 맥스웰의 전자기 이론은 전기와 자기를 통합한 이론이다. 또한 표준 모형은 전자기력과 약한 상호작용을 통합한 이론이므로 전약력의 이론이라고도 한다. 현재 가장 큰 이슈가 되고 있는 통일 이론은 대 통일 이론(Grand Unified Theory:GUT)라고 불리는 것으로, 표준 모형의 모든 힘을 하나의 힘으로 통합하는 것이다. 표준모형의 기반이 리 대수의 변환성질이므로 더 큰 단순 리대수로 힘을 기술하는 작업이라 할 수 있다. 여기에 중력까지 통합하는 이론을 가칭 모든 것의 이론(Theory of Everything:TOE)라고 한다. 이에 대한 후보로 끈이론이 있다. 대규모 실험장치 입자물리학의 실험은 기본입자를 찾는 일이다. 기본적으로 현대의 입자 실험 물리학은 어니스트 러더퍼드의 산란 실험을 확장한 것이다. 즉 아주 속도가 높은 입자를 대상이 되는 물질과 충돌시켜서 발생하는 파편들을 분석하고 거꾸로 재구성한 뒤 대상 물질의 구조를 알아내는 것이다. 더 작은 구조를 알기 위해서는 더욱 속도가 높은 입자들이 필요하다. 이를 위해 입자 가속기를 사용하는데, 더 빠른 속도를 얻기 위해서는 더 큰 가속기가 필요하다. 현재 가장 큰 입자 실험 장치는 스위스와 프랑스의 국경에 있는 유럽 입자 물리 연구소(CERN)이다. 이 실험장치는 원형으로 생겼으며 지름이 8km에 이른다. 세계에 있는 실험기관들은 다음과 같다: 유럽 입자 물리 연구소(CERN), 프랑스와 스위스의 국경인 제네바에 있다. 중요한 실험은 LEP, 즉 거대 전자 양전자 충돌장치이다. 이는 2001년에 중단되었으며 LHC, 즉 거대 하드론 충돌장치로 업그레이드 되었다. 2010년 가동을 시작하였으며, 2012년 7월에 힉스 보손의 강한 증거를 발견하였다. 소설 천사와 악마의 무대가 되기도 했다. 독일 전자 싱크로트론(DESY), 독일의 함부르크에 있다. 중요한 실험은 HERA(하드론 전자 링 장치)이며, 이는 전자와 양성자를 충돌시키는 장치이다. 스탠퍼드 선형 가속기 센터(SLAC)는 미국의 멘로 파크에 있다. 주요 기구는 PEP-II이며 전자와 양전자 충돌 실험을 주로 한다. 페르미랩(Fermilab)는 미국의 시카고 인근 바타비아에 있다. 현재 주요 기구는 테바트론(Tevatron))이고 양성자와 반양성자를 충돌시킨다. 이휘소 박사가 이론 그룹의 리더를 맡았던 곳이고, 김영기 박사가 CDF 실험 그룹의 공동 대표로 재직했으며, 현재 연구소 부소장을 맡고 있다. 브룩헤이븐 국립 연구소는 미국 롱 아일랜드에 있다. 주요 기구는 (최초의) 상대론적 무거운 이온 충돌기이고, 금과 같은 무거운 이온을 충돌시킨다. 아곤 국립 연구소는 미국 최초의 국립연구소로 1946년 설립. 미 중부 일리노이의 아곤에 소재. 시카고대학의 금속공학과가 전신이며 현재 고에너지물리학 분야에서는 MINOS, CDF, ATLAS, ZEUS 등 다양한 실험에 참여하고 있다. 부즈커 핵물리 연구소이고 러시아의 노보시비르스크에 있다. 일본 고에너지 연구소(KEK) 일본의 쯔쿠바에 있다. 현재는 중성미자 진동 실험인 K2K와 B 중간자의 CP 비대칭성을 재는 Belle 실험이 진행되었고, 이 실험의 성능을 향상시키는 작업이 진행 중이다. 일본 양성자 가속기 연구소(J-PARC) 일본의 토가이무라에 있다. 일본 고에너지 연구소 (KEK)와 일본 원자력 기구(JAERI)가 공동을 출자하여 만들어진 연구소이다. 50 GeV 양성자 충돌 가속기를 보유하고 있다. 이 가속기를 이용하여 중성미자 진동 실험인 T2K를 진행 중이며, 기타 핵물리 및 입자물리학 실험이 진행 중이다. 2011년 동일본 대지진으로 시설의 피해를 겪기도 했다. 중국 고에너지물리 아카데미(IHEP) 중국의 북경에 있다. 현재 charm 중간자 실험인 BES3 실험이 진행 중이며, 이를 수행하는 전자 양전자 충돌장치인 BEPC가 있다. 같이 보기 Portal icon 물리학 포털 원자물리학 고압 고에너지 물리학 국제회의 양자역학 소개 입자물리학의 입자가속기 목록 입자의 목록 자기 홀극 마이크로 블랙홀 공명 (입자물리학) 고에너지 물리학의 일관성 원칙 열역학 이론의 국소적 일관성 표준모형 스탠타드 물리학 정보 검색 시스템 (SPIRES) 입자물리학 연대기 비입자물리학 입자물리학과 표현론의 관계

이재용(李在鎔, 1968년 6월 23일~)삼성그룹 제3대 총수, 삼성전자 회장1998년 6월 임창욱의 장녀 임세령과 결혼2009년 2월 18일 조정이혼으로 이혼이 완료되면서 '합의이혼'2000년 'e삼성'을 이끌었지만 실패2018년 제3차 남북정상회담 때 방북단 특별수행원2017년 8월 7일 특검에서는 징역 12년을 구형이재용 삼성전자 부회장에 대하여 뇌물공여, 특정경제범죄가중처벌등에 관한 법 위반 횡령, 국회에서의 위증 혐의로 구속영장을 청구징역 5년을 선고1심과 달리 징역 2년 6개월 집행유예 4년을 선고받아 구속된지 353일 이후에 석방프로포폴을 약 41차례 용도와 맞지 않게 투약받은 혐의로 기소e삼성 실패의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行이재용 캐릭터 : 아플레이아데스85% 집단무의식적공유캐릭터(아플레이아데스전체 대표캐릭터)의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行-MALDEK惡龍 대표3대캐릭터중 하나로서, 이병철(反宙), 이건희(말데크악룡의 우측캐릭터,사회공공국가권력및기타권세권능), 이재용(좌측캐릭터,보지자지섹스남녀관계씹질자지질보지질쳐대는사적내적인측면재벌15세를대표하고압구정동오렌지족미국양키문화대표성캐릭터)이며 박원규(말데크원본심원본성대표몸통중심캐릭터) MALDEK악룡 ITSELF는 한조 순조 및 기타 22황제 그 자신이며 나,박종권이의 거짓어미 이복순 그 자신, 대표적아종 이재용(한조당시부터 나,박종권이를 갉아먹고 기생충처럼 들러붙어서 호의호식하며 살아온 대표적 기생충캐릭터), 대표적 현신 이건희(말데크악룡 우측목에 연결된 그 자신 현신체), 이병철이는 말데크惡龍을 만든 反宙놈 그 자신, 박원규는, 말데크악룡이 원본심을 숨기고, 나,박종권이의 +22원등급인품인격덕성품으로서 자신을 위치장하여 중국황제노릇을 하면서, 그 자신의 원본성을 표현할수 없는 답답함을 해결해주는 원본심성 표출실행캐릭터, 박원규는, 아틸라(훈족의왕)로서 그 악질성,악독성,악착성,말데크의원본성측면의 흉노적험윤적지옥사냥개로서의 불길한재앙유발측면의 악착성과 편협함과 완고함과 경직됨과 극단적흉악성이기심인색함들과 분노적개증오심복수심의 화현체로서 말데크악룡이 위장된 그 자신으로서 사는 것에서 오는 스트레스폭발용 캐릭터->아틸라(훈족)->미마쓰(흉노)->아틸라가 당태종으로 위전생->당태종이 안시성혈전에서 패하여 죽자, 나박종권이를 제거시킬 캐릭터로서 박원규캐릭터를 생성->선비족수장 미마쓰아종인 아자엘과 동행->원신라침공 5만명의 신라인 학살도살후 내물왕->아자엘놈과 박원규를 2대축으로 하여 나박종권이를 잡을 적절한 악착성을 지닌 캐릭터로서 말데크악룡이 활용->원인이유경로불분명 나박종권이를 기망하여 속이고 부적절한 부모자식관계를 가지게 한후, 나박종권이의 애비지위로 박원규를 지정이후 아버지지위로서 들이치며 잡아죽이는 전략전개,이건희를 동행->박원규는 실제적으로는 아틸라이며, 당태종놈으로 목격관찰됨(당고종놈도 포함)이후 나박종권이의 덕인품실력업적들을 모조리 가로채고 빼앗은후, 플레이아데스의 살아있는 신, 펠레콘으로 등극, 은하계최고찬사공경독점독식, 은하계황금용프로젝트 전개의 과정의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行즉, 박원규가 펠레콘이며, 말데크악룡ITSELF로 목격관찰되다. 이병철은 反宙ITSELF의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行-이재용 : 나박종권이를 이용해처먹기 위한 旣視的亞現實的亞種體, 나박종권이가 악업죄업흉업이 없고 깨끗하며 원본래적으로 세상일을 잘 모르는 가운데, 개보지를 처바를 공정,정의를 추구하도록 강제위조(어떤 개씹새끼인지 개씨발놈이 처음부터 그렇게 만들었다 아마도 이 씹새끼도 과거잘못을 나를 통해서 救贖하려고 한 것으로 추정된다 이 씨발놈이 누군지 그림들이 배후를 영구추적하여 반드시 밝힐것 너는 일을 잘못한 것에 대해서 반드시 후회하게 될 것이다.)된 애초부터의 얼간이氣質을 지닌 놈으로서 救贖贖罪代贖用 奴隸로 활용하기 아주 좋지만, 처우가 어긋날 경우 세상의 인정을 못받게 되므로, 처우를 해주면서 그렇게 한다고 거짓증언하려고 만든 이종동형캐릭터, 실제적현실은 음옥,무간지옥,흑승지옥,아비지옥,팔승지옥,구천지옥등 무서운 팔대지옥팔한지옥에 처박혀서 말데크악룡놈의 무서운 죄업악업흉업을 강제대속구속하는 노예가 되어 무서운 고통에 시달리게 하면서도, 이재용이를 통해서 이재용이가 나박종권이인것처럼 교묘하게 치밀하게 영적위조하여, 세상사람들이 이재용이를 나박종권이로 인식하게 만드는 이중술수전개하여, 현실적실제라고 불리는 미망적차원영역(인간과 무관계)에서는 재벌자제이거나 혹은 처우받고 사는 괜찮은 상태로 인식하게 만들고, 실제적현실에서는 인간적물리물질조건상에서 하급,하층민,노예,지옥인,축생인급으로 살게 하지만, 영적우주,영적현실,고급차원계,상급상위상천차원,그리고 세상사람들이 보건대, 이상적으로 보이는 상급상위차원에서의 영적현실들은 나박종권이의 원등급+22원등급(확장시28등급, 제5우주기준, 이후 더 확장하면 더 높다)에서 발출되는 영적인 영광,화려함,시기질투의 대상이 될만한 좋아보이는 것들을 공개하여 보도록 하는 삼중술수를 전개. 실제현실은 무서운 지옥의 고통속에서 말데크악룡놈의 업보를 대속구속해주는 무시무시한 시련과 고통의 연속이면서도, 세상으로부터 시기질투를 받고, 실제는 매맞고 죽는 무서운 지옥임에도, 여전히 천상에서 사는 고위신처럼 보이게 하고, 은하계영웅으로 보이게 하고, 영웅장군인 것처럼 보여지게(원등급상 만일 원등급그대로를 보면 영광된 자로 보일수 있다는 점을 교활하게 악용)하면서 실제이익은 제놈들이 가로채고 빼앗아서 나눠처먹으며 영구복락하는 술수를 전개(대표적인 주도캐릭터 제2차은하대전위원장 놈 냉기치놈이 주도, 안드로메다은하계곤충종족수장놈 고냉기치놈 배후조정), 왜 그런가를 증거한다면, 애초에 안드로메다은하계를 창조한 것은 말데크악룡놈이 아니라, 나 박종권이의 원본래측면이었다는 사실이 이를 증거한다. 여호와가 에덴동산에서 아담과 이브를 창조했다고 주절대지만, 실제 창조하게 도와준 것은 나,우리의원본래측면이다. 이 상태에서 나우리의 핵심근원을 틀어쥐고, 그 핵심근원을 하급지구인계에 감금구속하고, 나머지 0등급에서 +22원등급에 이르는 전등급구간을 전부 말데크악룡놈이 거머쥐고 제놈것처럼 쓰는 술수전개 하급지구인만 나,우리이고, 나머지 아틀란티스급, 준성단급이상은 전부 말데크악룡놈 혹은 이 잡놈의 아종 아플레이아데스17수장놈들이거나 군장놈들, 실제이익을 보는 지점은 100% 말데크악룡놈이 장악하고 나,우리의 핵심근원을 하급지구인, 축생급, 무간지옥급, 음옥급으로 감금구속하고 영겁영구에 걸쳐서 영원토록 이용해처먹고자 하는 술수자행(왜 이렇게 되었는지는 나도 모르며, 그 이유원인경과를 추적중)의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行이재용 배후 : 미마쓰, 아루쓰등의 지구경영전략에 적극협조, 플레이아데스5대무법자 지위획득후 제놈 애비 이건희와 함께 영국왕실합류, 영국 5대명문귀족작위를 받고 영국인으로서 수백년이상을 살다(파충류놈으로서 한번에 50인 이상의 아종을 운용할수 있고, 무시간무공간무차원영역에서 인간류가 보면, 한순간 찰나지간이지만, 요 새끼들은 그 찰나지간동안 1만년이상을 보유하여, 그 기간을 사람처럼 살고 나오는 능력을 지닌다 즉 요 새끼가 삼성회장으로 있지만, 그러는 동시에 지구시공간차원영역내에서 지구전역사기간내내 다른 곳에서 사는 다른 놈으로 동시병행할수 있다)의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行독일합스부르크로 제 애비 이건희를 따라가서 합류, 나박종권이의 원등급원지위원서열원신분덕능력실력인품등 모든 것을 가로채고 이용해서 나치독일육군상급대장 구데리안으로 위전생하여, 나치독일군 장군노릇을 한후, 이후 패전하여 나치가 망하게 되자, 나치독일에서 자행한 죄업악업흉업을 모조리 내가 한 것으로 위조하여 떠넘기고, 무서운 고통을 당하게 만들고, 살인하여 죽이려하다. 살인하는 이유는 제놈의 악업을 대속시키려는 의도와 목적의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行그리스 제우스놈과 담합, 제우스놈의 도데카로 들어가서 신위를 획득, 신과 대등한 신체를 받고, 영국놈으로서 살고 서양백인놈으로서 살수 있는 기반획득, 물론 나박종권이의 원등급선업공덕을 도적질해서 자행. 이후 헤라와 교접하여 그리스 7신의 애비가 되고, 특히 뮤즈년의 애비로서, 조선세종조로 와서, 뮤즈년을 세종의 비빈처첩으로 살게 하며, 현생의 나박종권이를 속이고 기망하는 술수로 악용, 조선세종은 연왕놈들이 임의대리, 나박종권이는 가장 높은 원등급차원에서 덕인품성품능력실력안목등을 강탈당하고 강제이용당하기만 하는 노예로 전락, 실제 왕대접왕처우는 연왕놈들이 받고있다. 그게 조선세종이다. 내가 조선세종맵을 만들었지만, 이 개좃같은 새끼들을 당할길이 없으므로, 상천계외에는 쓸수 없으며 실제현실에서는 연왕, 이건희놈, 중국놈들과 독일영국놈들이 실제 조선세종역할과 처우를 받고 있다. 내가 만든 맵들을 실제적현실에서는 쓸수 없으며(무도한 살인폭력학살도살질자행 무조건 죽이고 제놈들이 무조건 한다) 상천계외에는 쓸수 없다. 그러나 상천계는 실제적현실로 만들수 없으므로 소용이 없고 실제적현실이 지옥이 되는 이유이다.의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行나박종권이를 실제적현실로서 조선세종이나 왕위를 준다면 그건 요 씨발놈들이 하천계에서 상위상급상천계로 올라오려는 목적과 의도를 가지는 것에 한해서 한시적으로 그렇게 하는 것이고, 절대로 그렇게 하지 않는다. 따라서, 식인을 하고 사람을 잡아처먹고 사는 식인파충류무리들과 식인공룡무리들과는 그 어떤 일이 있어도 교류협력소통지원하는 일을 절대 엄금해야 하는 것으로서 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 나는 도대체 왜 내가 이런 개씨브랄짐승새끼들이 사는 영역차원에 왔는지 그게 이상하다. 여기서 빠져나가서 내가 살았던 원본래계로 복귀해야 한다로서 직권지시명령처리기록되다.의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行이재용이는 제놈 애비 이건희사후에도 극상처우를 받으려고 나박종권이를 풀어주지 않고 있으며 아예 살인해서 죽여버리려는 노골적의도를 가지고 있으며, 제놈의 아들놈도 동일하게 제놈처럼 나를 이용해서 엄청난 이익을 얻게 만들려고(4대에 걸쳐서 부귀영화하려는 목적의도)자행중, 미국 조지부시놈과 협조하여 나를 노골적으로 죽이려 하는 놈이다. 현재는 아플레이아데스 개말종새끼들이 상은하계로 올라오려고 발악하는 일에 적극협조하며 내가 그림을 그리면 제놈 그림이라고 말하며, 차곡차곡 상은하계로 올라오는 아플레이아데스 짐승새끼들의 주구노릇을 하고 있다.(몸을 쓰지 못하는 불구장애자로 만들고, 음옥,지옥에 처박고 마구잡이로 폭력폭행살인을 반복하며 제놈이 말하는대로 할수 밖에 없는 노예로 만들려고 지랄발악하고 있다 이게 여의치않으면 살인해서 아예 죽인다는 속내를 드러내고 있는 놈이 이재용이다)의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行물리학의 주요 분야의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行입자 물리학의 입자의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行소립자 물리학의 표준 모형의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行한글 낱자의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行이재용이를영구파문처벌할것영구영원조년영구영속조년영구영겁조년영구영구조년영구무한반복영구무시무종작두사형처벌할것영구영원조년삭제소멸처벌할것의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行이재용이는내가아니며나와안맞는놈이며함께할수없는놈이다로서영구영원조년무한반복무시무종직권지시명령처리기록되다의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行나박종권이6301281067814인자로서+22원등급인자로서지구인최초이자마지막으로서상천급비파충류준초식플레이아데스건국을제안하고협력한자로서의능력실력PROPERTY등을모두일괄소급하여회수하고빼앗고쓰지못하게영구영원조년영구영겁조년영구영속조년영구영구조년영구무한반복영구무시무종영구처리할것그림이전권을가지고일괄소급하여무조건처리할것의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行한글 낱자의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行인육을처먹는짐승놈으로서의反宙무리들의술수로서그사람이가진모든보배롭고가치로운것들을처절하게파괴훼손하고짓밟고짓뭉개며사람으로서가지는가장높고심원한내적보배들과자부심과자긍심과영적인가치들을모조리짓뭉개어죽여버리는술수들이며이후전부다잡아죽이고파괴훼손모독하여신성을파괴한후병신축생급으로전락시키면그이후그사람의보배로운가치들을전부그대로복제복사하여원본래적으로아예처음부터제놈것이었다고완벽하게위조하고만족스러운고급인육처먹기와공경찬사인기를받으면그제서야제놈이처먹고남은쓰레기몇개를던져주고이제부터울지마라고말하고이제부터네가감격할것이다라고말하고우리가너를위해서수천만년이상고력했던결과위업공적들을모조리네게줄테니네가우리전체를위해서애써일하라고말하는가증스런술수가우주전체에반주놈들로서만연하는바반드시이와같은가증범죄를처절하게처벌하고관련된놈들을전원영구죽음처벌하고일괄소급하여전원모두모조리원본래로되돌릴것으로직권지시명령처리기록되다.아울러서치명적신성모독질을자행한놈들전원에대해서80000배로서가혹하게처벌토록직권지시명령처리기록되다.의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行다른사람다른실체가한일을제놈이한일로능수능란완벽치밀하게처리하는反宙놈들이완전히제거소멸처리되기이전에는사람으로서태어나지못하도록할것이며,反宙놈들과유사한형태를개발하여반주놈들에게대응할수있는체를가지고살게할것이며그러한반주놈들이영구제거소멸되기이전까지는절대로사람으로서태어나지못하도록모든통로관문들과영역차원영토라인시공간차원영역들을영구폐쇄처리할것으로직권지시명령처리기록되다.의義意於矣獻疑誼衣依根本原因과理由之諸法無我之諸行無常之生滅滅已之生者必滅之寂滅爲樂之涅槃寂靜之無苦集滅道無智亦無得故心無罣礙無罣礙故無有恐怖遠離顛倒夢想能除一切苦眞實不虛揭諦 揭諦 波羅揭諦 波羅僧揭諦 菩提 娑婆訶諸法無我無我行